Black March?

So I am on this quest over spring break to try to learn something – anything – about the “occupy movement,” and I click on this link on Titan Pad about this group called Anonymous who is calling for a boycott of media product purchases during the month of March with the purported intent of letting the media companies know “we will not tolerate censorship of the Internet.”   Once I got past the highly overblown and violent tone of the rhetoric,  not to mention a the blatant refusal to take responsibility for ones own ideas, I was amazed at the naivete in the main message.

It demonstrates a clear ignorance regarding the nature of the economic discourses that it seeks to selfishly enter and thwart.  First of all, I have difficulty believing that an attack on the first quarter profits of a significant sector of our economy isn’t politically implicated in the divisive discourses unfolding during this election year.  Obviously certain political groups have something to gain from an extension of the recession, which in the end only impairs the job recovery that so many of the 99%, that “occupiers” claim to represent, are so desperately waiting for.  Secondly,  media conglomerates and stock holders alike are very savvy.  They are not going to risk directing all their resources and capital towards one outlet, especially with the uncertainty prevailing in the market over the past several quarters.

Instead most of these companies and investors are extremely diversified in their holdings, so as to better withstand the volatility of the market.   A single minded strategy, such as the one envisioned by Black March, isn’t going to bring anyone down, especially when these companies perceive they can recover in the second quarter after the “four weeks” have elapsed.  The real question, in my opinion, involves whether or not the occupiers are similarly positioned to display the resilience they will need to withstand the volatility of their own movement?

Finally it should be noted that consumer purchase power is only one part of a very complex system of capital flows, that includes built in buffers that minimize the impact of these “financial” protests.  In other words, the connection between the consumer product and the capital that it generated it is much more indirect that it used to be in earlier societies.   In fact most large companies dump a significant amount of their capital and profits back into the stock market and exchange trades.  In my opinion, if you are going to try to effect change in an economic environment you need to spend a little less time developing untenable rhetorical threats and more time studying how markets work.

Reflections on the Intersection between Corporate Personhood and the Occupy Movement

When I first began my investigation of the Occupy Movement through the lens of Corporate Personhood, I knew something about the overall movement itself troubled me. Yet I couldn’t exactly identify what it was, although I was convinced that it was related to their methods rather than their ambiguous political goals, many of which, including corporate reform, I completely support.

But after recontextualizing the movement within the greater issues of identity and authorship that we have been exploring this semester, I have come to realize that what truly bothers me are the unacknowledged contradictions embedded in the rhetoric of the movement.  The verb “to occupy” suggests a stability and a sense of control that, according to many of the theorists I have encountered over the past year, is nothing more than an illusion.

In a paradoxical way, the “occupiers” are simultaneously the “occupied,” at least from a discursive perspective, and it seems that by reiterating the logic behind the discourses they seek to oppose, they only lend further credence to the ways in which language colonizes reality.  However, to be honest I am not sure that there is any way around this, other than a critical acknowledgement of the condition.

Moreover, implicating myself in this contradiction, I too am sometimes uncomfortable with what I perceive to be a lack of structure and organization within the movement that gives it its somewhat unpredictable and radical character, which I can’t help but juxtapose with the contemporary preoccupation with terrorism.

I realize that most occupiers would eschew such a label, and perhaps rightfully so, as it follows from the fallacious and narrow logic of ideas including the infamous, looks like a duck, talks like a duck, therefore must be a duck.  Nevertheless, there is a disturbing consistency between the rhetoric and propaganda coming out of the “occupy” camp and that emerging from other radical organizations around the world, which we label as terroristic or democratic depending only on how their behavior affects us.

I suppose that what I, and many others who fail to find a place in this occupation, need to experience is the dissolution of this particular binary that separates the democratically motivated protest from the terroristically motivated protest, basically a willingness to accept that they may  be the same thing.

The contemporary othering of the supposed “terrorist” has allowed us to make sense of and carry on in a world after 9-11 by displacing the trauma of reconstructing our individual and collective identities.  However, considering all of the other “others” that we are currently trying to disentangle from this restrictive subject position, I am afraid that the terrorist will just have to wait his or her turn.

Terror and Play

In Chapter 2 of his book Noise Channels: Glitch and Error in Digital Culture Peter Krapp attempts to make the case for a distinction between terrorism and hactivism, a project that echoes the efforts of Rita Raley in Tactical Media.  Is there a distinction between terrorism and hactivism?  I don’t know for sure.  I am willing to entertain the possibility that there may be, but the arguments that these two scholars make for hactivism, seem to be equally sound premises for terrorism.

Krapp tries to define the line between the terrorist and the hactivist using the OED’s definition of terrorist as “Any one who attempts to further his views by a system of coercive intimidation” or “One who entertains, professes, or tries to awaken or spread a feeling of terror or alarm; an alarmist, a scaremonger” (49).

But these descriptions are based on internal/subjective states of the agent (whether terrorist or hactivist), as well as the person(s) being acted on.  What may not be thought of as coercive by one person may easily be construed so by another.

Is there a difference “between dragging down Domain Name System servers and hijacking airliners” (50)?  Of course there is, but beyond the subjective evaluations of such events, the only logical argument that I can see is a difference of degree.  If the underlying logic that allowed certain people to reach a conclusion to hijack airliners is still in place and that logic is used to do something different, even of a lesser degree, I still see that as a problem.   If there is some other logic or theoretical underpinning for hactivism, a possibility that I am willing to entertain, I don’t see it fully fleshed out in Krapp’s argument, although in his defense he is working in a fairly recent field.

Krapp states: “To equate the security of airline Web sites with the vulnerability of air traffic control or to lump the real importance and value of medical or credit information together with the mere loss of marketing opportunities is indeed to engage in coercive intimidation” (50).   For me, this vague reference to a “loss of marketing opportunity” could easily make or break me, as I only have part-time work.  I, like many other Americans, am barely making it, and really when you do the math, I am not making it.  So for “hactivists” to ignore the fact that large businesses pass down these relatively, “negligible” and “harmless” losses to be absorbed by employees and consumers, just shows a general disregard for basic economic science.

Krapp goes onto state that “hactivism, in reaction to conflict and interventions from Chechnya to Chaipas and from Honk Kong to Hamburg, never set off an electromagnetic bomb” (50). I am reminded of the argument about how you are more likely to be struck by lightning than (fill in the blank).  But all it takes is once, and when it happens to you or to someone you care about that’s all that matters, statistics are irrelevant to the individual suffering.  I don’t think it’s to farfetched to assume that it is only a matter of time before digital terrorism makes an entrance.

In the meantime, the hactivist phenomenon could use much more serious critical attention.  Statements such as, “Hactivism aims to capture attention; it is calculated for maximum media effect,trying to raise the awareness of citizens regarding certain rights and liberties, including free speech, privacy, and access.  An act of hacktivism can involve many people or only one; it can forge links and coalitions between people whose politics run the gamut” (50), just don’t work, especially in contemporary America.  In my opinion, if I accept such statements, then I also have to accept this logic for events like the Oklahoma City bombing or the Virginia Tech shootings, or even Kennedy’s assassination.

Nevertheless, the question still remains of what to do about hactivists?  Just because they use the similar reasoning to justify their behaviors, doesn’t mean that all hactivists should automatically be assumed and treated as terrorists.  But what it does mean is that hactivists need to be prepared to assume the risk of being profiled and suspected of potential wrongdoing.  The behavior that they engage in is a choice, not an inalienable aspect of their identity such as race or gender.  If hactivists are not better prepared to answer to society for what they do, then they are better off finding some more productive way to enact change in their world.  Krapp’s argument may be convincing in emergent theoretical circles, but it’s not very practical from a legal standpoint, at least not in this day and age.

Tactical Media

I found Rita Raley’s analysis of tactical media to be problematic in several respects.  She describes tactical media as being “not simply about reappropriating the instrument but also about reengineering semiotic systems and reflecting critically on institutions of power and control” (16).  She elaborates on the role of the audience to “complete the signifying field” and “record the memory of the performance,” and she emphasizes the ephemeral quality of digital events and dismisses ideas of “teological” ends (12).

Although she seems to recognize a relationship between her discourses and those of “terrorists,” she develops this connection as a opposition, when in actuality many of her ideas seem to parallel the ideas that terrorists use to justify their activities.  The political implications of these ideas are enormous and at the very least should be acknowledged.  What does it mean for us to conceive of transitory events that seek to be intentionally spectacular and destructive as aesthetic productions? Does Raley’s tactical logic breakdown when applied to terrorist activities?

This raises the question of whether there is value in conceiving of terrorist events as works of performance art?  If not then where does Raley’s argument diverge from the logic of military strategy and other war crimes?  But if so what does this mean for the foundation of our civilization and how do we begin to re conceptualize tragedy as art?

Furthermore, what are the ethical implication of “The Next Five Minutes” movement, especially when one is dealing in destructive disturbances, what happens to responsibility and thinking about long term consequences?  Isn’t the focus on the gratuitive short-term part of the economic tyranny that Occupy is working against, so why employ it as a strategy.  I am not suggesting that we should defer action permanently, but acting without thinking about consequences and being prepared to accept them seems irresponsible and reckless.  Is the point of all this to send a message to “the system” that these short sighted methods are not in the best interests of anyone?

Open Source as Panacea?

I enjoyed the concept behind College Park Maryland’s Electronic Literature Collection.  The layout of the site seemed to work well, although I found the red background to be somewhat difficult on the eyes.   The individual projects that I explored were interesting and innovative, but they reminded me more of conceptual art than some form of “digital” literature.  In fact, the whole thing seemed more like it was a portfolio for a final project in a “Flash” or other web design type class.

I thought David Jhave Johnston’s “Soothe” worked really well as a different way of reading and experiencing poetry.  The poem that unfolded on the snow background was particularly relevant to the explorations of the subjective paradoxes that seem to infuse much of contemporary literary theory.  However, the underlying sound pattern eventually became a conspicuous distraction and a reminder of the limitations of a text that is controlled by a code.

I suppose all texts have these covert processes going on beneath the surface, and that as literary scholars some of us enjoy uncovering and developing those deeper subtexts.  But HTML as a subtext doesn’t seem as dynamic or as engaging to work with.  After all for a digital text, HTML is literally always already there, there doesn’t seem to be much room for us to develop, interpret, or rewrite what it is doing in or for a digital text.

We need more scholarship about what kind of critical insights HTML can offer us in respect to digital texts, as well as how to approach HTML as a living language rather than as a mere functional tool.

I also thought about how if Johnston were to make his code “open source,” how easy it would be for someone to appropriate a large part of his work and add their own poetic lines.

There is aura of uncertainty about the creative process that goes into these sorts of works, and with the structural code being invisible upon first glance and somewhat arcane when accessed, it seems like it would be impossible to authenticate work like this and very easy just to copy it without giving credit to the original author or programmer in this case.  If we want to abolish copyright for the digital, then I suppose this works.  But how are these works to be evaluated from an academic standpoint, is it acceptable to cut and paste someone else’s code, and if so, do I have to disclose it?  And if I don’t disclose it, in the case of digital work such as this, how is anyone ever going to find out?

If we phase out or seriously restrict copyright application, does that phase out the issue of plagiarism as well, and is the amount of time spent researching and developing a work irrelevant to any evaluation of that work and/or its creator?  “Open source” isn’t the panacea to our current dilemma’s with cultural activity on the web.  With open source comes a loss of privacy and a transformation of the ways in which we assign value and import to education.  In my opinion, open source risks elevating copy and paste over critical reading and reflection.

Proposal for the Occupy Anthology

My search for information about and an understanding of the “Occupy Movement” over Spring Break has led me to two conclusions.

One: despite the movement’s efforts to portray itself as a decentralized phenomenon, it is heavily vested in an agenda that calls for economic reform.

Two: the rhetoric surrounding the movement up to this point has been both problematic, characterized by confusing and inflammatory statements that are filled with unexamined contradictions.  From its fallacious division of Americans into two disparate groups along socioeconomic lines, to its presumption and offensive claims to speak for this “99%,” the Occupy Movement is seriously hindered by a shallow understanding of and disregard for economic science.  Furthermore, the appropriation of the recent anti-government conflicts in developing countries in order to imagine some sort of “American Fall,”  and the ill-timed jump onto the bandwagon of economic reform that people around the world have been calling for, for decades, belies the immaturity of the movement itself.

The comparison between our “broken” political system, a system that an average of 40% of Americans regularly fail to participate in as shown by our polling numbers,  and the oppressive regimes of developing countries, where everyday civilians have a real prospect of actually dying for rights/freedom, strikes me as an arrogant association that downplays the sacrifices of all those those engaged in actual life threatening conflict in the Middle East.

But what bothers me most of all, is the Occupiers’ failure to take responsibility for their contribution to the economic frustration and blame corporations instead of grappling with the consequences of their own greed and apathy.  In This Changes Everything ,Yes! Magazine’s transparent attempt to explain/advocate for the fledgling movement, Rebecca Solnit asserts:

“A small part of Wall Street, which has long occupied us as if it were a foreign power, it now occupied as though it were a foreign country” (80).

I find this attempt by the Occupy Movement to generate sympathy for itself by defining its mission using these military metaphors to be highly offensive.   Wall Street is not some “foreign power” unjustly “occupying” America.  It was born and bred right here in America, and it played a defining role in engineering the quality of life we take for granted today.   It is time for the 99% to accept partial responsibility for Wall Street and what it has become.  Our victimization at corporate hands is minimal compared to that of those in other countries who have historically suffered exploitation without recourse all in the name of the “democratic” free market that we imposed upon the world.

Are there problems with the system, yes.  But you can’t fix something if you don’t take responsibility for it first, and by failing to do so, the Occupiers have unwittingly entered an alliance with the very politicians and speculators that they attempt to criminalize.  I personally believe we are very lucky in America; we have a workable system that many of our own men and women have already died and sacrificed for, so let’s give it a chance to work before we start demanding a “revolution” that many of us just don’t have the courage to follow through with.

I think William Kristol of The Weekly Standard put it well when he wrote about establishing “an agenda that works to foster opportunity, not envy; that seeks change through democratic processes, not mob pressure, that encourages enterprise, not resentment; that enlarges the sphere of personal and civic freedom, not big government; that liberates American energies rather than pandering to their weaknesses; that acts to fix Wall Street’s problems, not to demonize American business.

With the Occupy movement emerging from hibernation this spring, instead of seeking only the selfish ends of drawing attention to themselves and swelling their own ranks,  I would like to see them acknowledge the roots of the ideologies and struggles of others in the “ecosystem” that have sustained them so far, and to embrace a process of metamorphosis that will allow them to grow and mature and find more productive places and spaces to occupy this season.

As a contribution to that effort, and as a part of the purported 99%, for my part of our Occupy anthology, I would like to further explore the concept of “corporate personhood” by identifying Occupy’s evolving responses to it and exploring those responses for their productive potentiality towards the broader goals of economic reform.  My proposed piece would include an overview of “corporate personhood” followed by an analysis of 3-5 different intertextual responses to the idea.

For example I might analyze a poem, a video montage, a performance art piece, and a more traditional textual response.  As far as the presentation of my findings I thought it might interesting to to do an image map that links the various areas of the human body to the various examples and pieces of my reasearch/analysis.  This might break up the potential monotony that a long textual essay sometimes creates in digital format.   I also thought it might be productive to include an unanalyzed response and create a space for the user of the anthology to carry out a personal critical engagement with the selected piece.

Death of the Subject?

In his conclusions about the multitude Mark Poster encourages his readers to consider Samuel Beckett’s question “What does it matter who speaks?”  This question, depending on its context, could prompt a sincere inquiry about subjectivity or it could foster a more dismissive attitude of the concept.  It is difficult to gauge exactly how Poster is employing it in his analysis.

First he endorses “the challenge of a planetary system of networked information machines and human assembleges” that he claims is raised by Beckett’s question (65).    Then he challenges Hardt and Negri’s call for the mutltitude by asserting that “a critical theory of globatlization…must not look for a revolutinary subject but for a matrix of dispositifs, for a cluster of technologies of power that constructs networked computer and human assemblages” (65).   He then follows with his claim that “the question of how to get beyond modern society can by no means simply assume that a new subject needs to be designated” (65).

Is he calling for a reimagining of the subject or a dissolution of the subject?  In what sense are the “netizens, who will be multiple, dispersed, and virtual nodes of a network of collective intelligence” constitutive of a “planetary political subject” (84)?  If political power is not concentrated somewhere, even if only temporarily, but instead infinitely dispersed across a network, how will anything get done?

This seems to be the structure of the seemingly ineffective Occupy movement in America.  Is this perhaps part of their message, to reject goal-oriented approaches maybe because they are economically defined?  Is there some other way Occupiers measure their progress or are they simply anti-progress because progress is part of the economic model they are trying to undermine?

Network Culture and the Questions it Raises

The question we face at the dawn of network culture is whether we, the inhabitants of our networked publics, can reach across our micro-clustered worlds to coalesce into a force capable of understanding the condition we [are] in and produce positive change, preserving what is good about network culture and changing what is bad, or whether we are doomed only to dissipate into the network. – Kaszys Varnelis – The Rise of the Network Culture

Perhaps this idea that we can “preserve” what is good and “change what it bad” is a little over-idealistic.  Sometimes we have to accept some of the “bad” in order to realize the “good,” an idea also known as compromise.  Furthermore we face the problem of determining what is “good” and what is “bad,” dualistic terms that are already problematic from a theoretical perspective.

I think one thing that was further overlooked in Varnelis’ analysis  was the pressing need to reconcile our cherished American values of individuality and free markets with the nature of the “network culture” in which we find ourselves, where a “node’s” relationship to other networks is more important that its own uniqueness.”   A concerted attempt to engage with and seek a balance between these competing ideologies might also help us understand the perspectives and concerns of other cultures who might not be as oriented different ideologies that privilege other entities in addition to and even over the supremacy of the individual.

Overall, it seems to me that these discourses arising around network culture share a tendency to condemn capitalism without imagining realistic economic alternatives.  Perhaps those working in digital theory expect economists to assume this burden.

What’s the Secret, where’s the War, and why the triage?

In his book The Secret War Between Downloading and Uploading, Peter Lunenfeld describes and explores the imbalance between the consumption of culture and the production of culture.  However the language that he uses to discuss this topic suggests an sense of urgency and paranoia that I fail to understand.

I understand that intellectually there is a lot at stake, but using metaphors of war and disease to characterize and describe social ills hasn’t proven to be the most useful conceptual technique when engaging with other equally troubling social problems.  Think of the “war on drugs” or the “war against poverty.”   This language is divisive in nature and suggests that there is an enemy and a victim, but it seems to me that Lunenfeld is arguing for a balance, not an annihilation or a submission.  These associations with war, triage, and epidemic disease seem somewhat counterproductive when trying to resolve this troubling dichotomy between uploading and downloading.

Instead I think it might be more useful to think in terms of  economic metaphors , such as imports and exports and trade deficits.  We are a consumer culture that imports far more than it exports, a trend that is reflected not only in our cultural consumption but also in our material consumption.  How is it that we can talk about reducing the deficit in our cultural output without seriously engaging with the deficit in our economic output?  Yet we continue to attack the industries at the foundation of our economy, especially the advertising industry and the media industry,  for producing more in order to increase our overall exports and balance out our economy.

I am not saying that market profits should inevitably trump our intellectual freedoms, but this is the economic system on which we all depend for our sustenance, not to mention our advanced quality of life.  It’s just disappointing to me that we can’t find or create a space outside the infamous courtroom where all parties involved can speak and dialogue constructively about these issues.

New Models for Thinking about Digital Culture

New media works are not property based, but fluid,

deterritorialized systems in motion. What we therefore need – and what are

evolving – are new literary and artistic models to understand the burgeoning

nature of authorship in electronic works.

– Carolyn Guertin –

Digital Prohibition: Piracy and Authorship in New Media Art

In Ambivalance and Authorship, Guertin characterizes copyright laws as anachronistic and inappropriate for a new media that does not fit the private property model.  The “author”, and by extension any artist, the person or entity with a “declaration of property and economic claim” no longer exists, because authorship is now recognized in the academic community as always having been a collective act.

I agree that this does indeed call for new approaches to digital writing, however in my opinion, the “literary and artistic models” being explored in the humanities are not enough.  They might provide a theoretical basis, but they haven’t researched or outlined a specific plan to effectively transition from the idea of private intellectual property to one of collective ownership of our digital culture.

I believe that we must begin to broaden the scope of this conversation to include a serious consideration of more sustainable economic and social models that can strike a balance between a redefinition of private property and a readjustment of our economic goals and foreign policy initiatives, both of which will be affected if the media industry is expected to reign in its ambitious free market practices.  This will require collaboration between humanities scholars as well as scholars in sociology, economics, political science, and of course computer science.